Plainly, many except few will not boldly concede that politics have failed the country—econo-socio development in tow. The ‘’will not’’ is that it’s too obvious to dodge. And it takes ‘’kalambai-patapaa’’, translate either unimpressive defencelessness bravado, or, slippery fudge to walk away, confronted. While the contrary that all is not well takes massive optimism, it is the truth that we have to own up an begin to speculate what next with snippets of historical reminder-briefs for their importance, thinking of tomorrow’s legacy and derived alternates for governance, given the current silhouettes of African awakening, globally and domestically, both to correct our simultaneous errors after independence, each and severally. I shall stay at home.
The common but immediate casus belli is that politics have drowned this country into a drunken standard of partisanship, adamant to see or hear another side. That has calcified with some violence and dictatorships of sorts, divisiveness where consensus has been on death, even when it looks reasonably probable. We can name its apparent first creature as ‘’THEM’’ and ‘’US’’. Both have crawled ‘’we alone.’’ The result is the country is receding into the early-70s when it showed fed up with politics and groped an alternate system of governance, but skidded always back to the inherited Westminster fiasco plus the military interregna experiences in between. Odysseys started but constantly ended going back because each epoch spewed the colonial-inherited structures have not grafted. And in recent days, lectures look back at ‘what-why’ had stunted all systems not working over 60 years post-freedom. They are pointing at the emphatic failure to re-adjust from the ‘’COLO’’ and blame the lack of strong leadership.
Still during the period of disenchantment, the country looked forward to try what came to be called a Third Force. Its remit expectantly would be holding to balance between the dominant Left and Right wings ideological parties. Indeed a Third Force Party was in formative stages. That fizzled. Lt-Gen Fred Akuffo’s TINAGOV did not survive as 4 June 1979 intervened and launched three-months-old ‘’Broomsticks Revolution’’ thought might stick a new direction of governance but its second coming did not draw new path. The present but quiet hankering for other ways remains. But it is heightened–. no lost steam with short-on goings-on, suggesting a definitive switch is forlorn, gauging that no leadership has yet merely echoed the groundswell for a constitutional renaissance. A charitable view is they might reserve it in electioneering manifestoes whose pledges had been met in the breach hitherto and distrusted today, despite the country heading for another ballot for power.
The scenario is that the ruling NPP are yet to elect their ‘’Ticket’’, wrangling while NDC are rumoured seized with the choice of a running mate. Thus, in light current desire, the country would inevitably grind back to status ante quo before there is time for what to do with cut and thrust politics. But it won’t be late in after upcoming for starting the serious search, a willing focussed- discourses to re-model a replacement of the groggy Westminster in the some titular adoptions of the US hybrid. The only over but safely credible idea now offers (i-a) our experiences; (i-b) elsewhere ; and (ii) leaves us to grapple with history to guide. (a) and (b) becoming self-explanatory.
Little known and could even be forgotten is that Rawlings was asked about going for re-think, his compassion since AFRC 1979. The brief is Flt-Lt J.J.Rawlings met with the then campaigning Leaderships of the old and new political parties at 5BN Burma Camp on 7 July 1949. Only Victor Owusu [PFP] was represented. In the conversations two questions were briskly dealt with: whether his AFRC was going to stop the hustings and what kind of political governance he envisioned. These were put by Dr R.P.Baffuor. Flt-Lt Rawlings said there was no intention to halt the electioneering campaigns but he thought there would be enough trust for a future government to operate differently democratically. He fudged that part which in afterthought must have (a) inspired his advice to Dr Hilla Limann about sinister faces behind him and (b) the bubble burst in 1981—the second coming PNDC, Rawlings..
Gossip later was that quiet musings were going on between the military and academics and some few and open-minded politicians about a suitable governance towards between what operates in Singapore and Fiji today. It didn’t go far, dropped and it faded on hope, whose non-fulfilment, was plausible reason for his return but closed back to ‘’COLO’’. That represented o shot of history both that the country opts for democracy in search to re-fix something other than disillusionment. As the country prepares for ballot-box Populist thoughts are argumentatively: that if the 2024 ends with stet, the question is ‘’what’s new’’? The NDC won’t let go the temptation to ‘pay back’. The Military regimes did no worse than have civilian administrations. The subtle but powerful element of difference was always that advisors to the military were usually politically identifiable. Equally, there was neither any dubiety nor secret about political inclinations of persons summoned to probes which were aftermaths of each putsch.
That spun difficulties retrieving confiscated assets when there was change of affiliated administration. Similarly, even names of the political parties which were routinely banned in the wake. The CPP was successful finally. But the PP changed name to NPP, a restoration led then by its au fait lawyer-politician and Secretary-General Kojo B.J da Rocha. The re-license generally depended on and corresponded with the ideological hue of which political party had won the immediate prior elections.
Just as drawing curtains, a rider-issue came up: if both parties, irrespective of victor and defeated, jointly decided not to open the search about constitutional reforms. That unthinkable docks the country into a crisis. Soberness may intervene. I recall Paa Willie, Sam Okudzeto and TUC’’s Secretary General arriving GBC at Sunday noon to plead-stop a disaster-threat from simultaneous crises engulfing this nation then. It seems outcomes of the elections 2024 hardly matter because there is apparent countrywide fixed mentality for really finding new arrangement ways–no copycat model for our governance.. And again, this country suffers no famine at that. The possible impediment that could bog that down, are probable disguised-adulterations by proxy-politics as was 1979 and 1992. The second potential predator might be whichever party won 2024, no one is going to deny ceding the righting the economy as first priority, when the plea comes to freeze the scheme for constitutional alterations.
Imaginably, the alibi is ‘’no cash’’ to fund it. It reminds or indeed resembles the row between former President Dr Hilla Limann and Mr Justice Kingsley Nyina, the electoral Commissioner about ‘right’ to open the roll and authority or how correct to release funding in a state of near cash-strapped. Whereas other divergent views would be contradictory like suggesting borrowing. But that is stumped by too early days and the credibility to guarantee, is sour as much as the common knowledge makes it doubtful. Putting the project on hold, may total guillotine which catches the nation on the hop. Instead of freeze, perhaps low-cost preparatory, may or just, carry two influential impacts: challenge Government and parliament to hastily rearrange schedules because it would have occurred to recognise the matter demonstrates the incredible resilient heart of the nation’s craving which couldn’t be overstated. That factor is principally made of insuperably committed to survive in things of histories, each era in our bids for that survival since independence.
It is in terms the referenced recent public Lectures are loudest also urging going back to the root of our errors, dispel complacency to alter the old mindset disabling ourselves to do something new. That is creating structures that work and systems, unimpeded regulatories; But we need not to forget that earlier moves to trim-streamline government to suit, presumably sensing the nation’s frustrations. Indeed Prime Minister Prof Kofi Busia extended that to run down even the army, Col Bonsu was in charge after ‘’568’’. Historic memories include our experiences with inclusiveness, one party state, abhorrence of coalition and pre-independence Britain’s rejection for federation, demanded by Dr Danquah and the NLM as a condition to Britain before granting our independence. NPP’s Presidential-hopeful, Dr Ken Agyapong’s insights about what requires done in endeavour to alter our colo-psyche will be resisted by powerful interests. His is historically, a variation on the same theme by ‘’DOMESTICATION’’ and semblance of Col..George F. Bernasco’s ‘’OFY’’. .
To sum up: Politics of Westminster and US sidebars together with structures and underpins have failed after 66 years being independent, evidence from our quagmire today. Urgency compulsorily prompts imperatives for hard thinking about legitimate alternatives. These, rather than the contrasting reigning sub-decent counter recriminations and political muddy provocateurs, are clear propaganda’s diversions, confirm drunken ideological emotions, as if nothing is disconcertingly wrong, should impose-sort out the country. We are all guilty to admit our contributes throughout. Alas, it is this introspection, which is glaringly a failed to catch. The strengthening growth of fresh coalescing-opinion thinks the coarse conducts are deliberate ‘con’. I differ. The better truth is we have lost our way. Such is the cry of our country today
[To be concluded]..
By Prof Nana Essilfie-Conduah
