It has felt inevitable for mid-long-time that the NDC could seize itself with squeamish internal turmoil for renewal-strategic re-shaping in the parliamentary caucus leadership. It is real ‘politique’ done as snappy-shrewdness as its launch. The thrust takes its cue from what could be and response(s) in what ought to be. These derive in both speculative and real the in the electoral central battleground theme for an imminent national ballot such as ‘’2024’’ Here, it is plain to even non-connoisseurs that it is going to about a tattered economy. These compellingly pre-conditions spell out designedly who would do what, but naturally don’t meet pleasures in any institution, let alone politics and power-feeling truncated—misunderstood, misrepresented inside and outside looking at some vile reactions since last week, effectively.
Within the ensuing variety of reactions, it is natural human tendency, not the precise reality to expect from the outside not certainly flag the discomfiture relative to two advantages where it deals with the incumbent which is chief contestant, obviously where the politics of the ballot box everywhere globally; and specifically, that the in situ particularly has difficulties which could be a tail-start dislocation– like ours today. In any case, these are parts of the game, needn’t be personal deadly enemies. Thus, the references in protest-reasons characterised as vendetta and ethnic are unfortunate. I believe that generally, the country would rather not.
It serves a useless purpose as much as narrow parochialism, wobbles the national consensus as one remembers how scarry it could from precedence up-North—right from the guinea fowl ‘wahala’ [PNDC reign –Maj-Gen Smith’s heroics et al, then Deputy Info Secretary [Minister] Kojo Yankah Enquiry through the Ya Na’s murder crisis via resolved after protraction by the diligence of the five-man council of chiefs led by the Asantehene to latterly Hon. Ayariga’s back-base people, suspect simmering in the peripheries, according to whispers in our country which have some live authenticity. Without raking muck, that is history for poignant recall sadistically but deterrence to over-unduly push vengeance-seeking test risks and pull from the brink. I should appeal addedly that we need that peace, countrymen, please !. Along shall pull to the being ‘with-it’ in re-phrasing their economic tactics which should be the concomitant with the socio-politico embroidered by religion.
That modus genius, is the very probable alter to pledges and would evolve frame-works to present convincing projects packages which are novelty-strewn, very down-to-earth relevant to country and wholly devoid of promises like lap-tops and constructing canals under the airport tarmac and sprinkled with underhand largess, a regular feature but constantly denied as vote-buying. It is possible to claim it has lost its shine [loaning cricket term] and the NDC shall have to be agilely aware that [i] the country won’t be optimistic attracted to be enthused but [ii] emphasize, driven it hard home that it is going not possible to spin round the situation overnight. Honesty is key. Boundless arguments would ensue for two groups: those want empty power; and [ii] those who wreak vengeance and thirdly, its repercussions on a party and public-stock-standing. This lies in heart of the efforts to win this up-comer 2024.
It means hard thinking, thoroughly dispensed with flip-flops hitherto neither with evidence nor unchallenged routinely spoken for believability. For sure and populist applause. The ideological colouring shall be tinged with sign-posts. For examples: being ‘’Social Democrats’’ as applicably-defined and wholly bereft of uncomplimentary statements across bows—cleansing our politics though Paa Willie’s ref that ‘’a little (decent — no ill-willed) abuse is acceptable in democratic politics’’. That makes it still Left-Wing or Right Wing and whichever in essence; and in its portfolio strives to hog the centre where elections are won. Specifically, as regards the NDC where there is rumpus, leaves me a window of opportunity to explain that it is part of being essentially Left- Wing. The ethos appears to make it prone too often at crucial political doctrinal policy decisions, forced to engage in homicides-clashes between the executive at one time and the pro-Right-wing capitalist tendencies’ Or, at other instance, with its extreme Left.
Similarly, such appears like a developing running parallel in the earliest lines of divisions in post-so-called palace coup as regards the parliamentary spearhead. The present parallels a Dr Aryeeh’s, inferenced without any malice whatsoever—simply, history.
On the other side, the NPP’s ‘’Ticket -altercations’’ looks dragged into personalities, regional and bragging ‘’leadership-competence-comparisons. And that sounds like pivot casus belli overarching fundamentally. There are salvoes also like debates on balancing the ‘’Ticket’’ for pointing rather than analyse cleanly, comparative proven competent leadership being inveighed. There is hardly any suggestion about abandoning the umbrella of ethnic parochial boundaries. The tenor considerations in both appellant and propaganda are becoming campaigns of damning vilifications; and even obstructions as in the case of House leader Osei Kyei Mensh-Bonsu and latterly, a reported FM Radio ambush fisticuffs, are clearer discernibly into goings-on in the NDC could be read weird copy-cat in contrast, or by factions to co-incidentally impose a contrary –‘’reverse’’ demand, likely another British legendary Grand old Noble Duke of York as counter-part NPPs did over embattled Finance Minister, simmering recently. It is divisive, persons imagined whose behalf could publicly distance themselves and the muddy stuff now feels like we go to parliament for positions and might claim them as ours for a fiefdom, it looks— both sides, relegating the noblesse oblige affix ‘’Honourable.’’ Oh, mainstream and social media too.…hmmm…
All-be-it, country-wide, what seems could capture public standing stock’s enthusiasm is a party daring to be as near bold as possible going for broke and opting a choice-combination of Singapore and Ruanda models, away from [i] colonial legacy-structures which have not grafted probably because it is archaic, current sight.
In broadcast parlance, it is described as the ‘needle is rusted stuck in the groove.’ And [ii], with a manifesto with innovations tailored to this indigenous terrain. I suppose it is time to believe that the very nature of our economy and how it has resisted or impeded the colonial, from its introduction cannot be ignored any longer.
Just take a cursory observation of the economic on how making-up a margin of the market women; and couple that with the petty itinerant and store keepers and the depth of unscripted but passed-on know-how wiring the sustenance of economic growth activities since the ancient alongside and indeed, competing with the colonial book-long. That has always raised harsh issues about scholarship’s failure of the country.
I couldn’t answer it quite well in my piece just before today’s. Last week, precisely because the controversy looms larger than the horizon, irrespective of inevitably becoming a necessarily matter for discourse ultimately—near future. This resuscitated emerging thought ironically with academics in these moments of disillusionment with political leaderships could hopefully turn our experience as country, to grope consensus definition of what I had stated repeatedly as ‘’who we are, which we want to be; and how we there’’.
This corridor of apparent digression opens the lead back to precedents to the main theme: country political parties about to jostle for power but apparently driving themselves nuts—thus seemingly innocuously on instant reading likely to miss the essentials again. Then William Shakespeare’s ‘’all the voyage of their lives is bound in sorrow and misery’’ becomes justified prediction. I prefer to alter that sage’s conclusion as if to the pre-potent, ‘’I wish you never do well’ as also the former French President Charles de Gaulle put it, as he felt premonitorily ousted 1968: ‘’apres moi’’—‘after me’. It is an inextricable part of human nature that is allowed to prevail when ‘step-down’ arrives. In extenso and be brief, the classic pointer is why any opposition in politics plays this game. As if it is humour par excellence, the British label it ‘’His Majesty’s loyal Opposition’’.
These are gentle reminders only to take the heat out, lest we drift into the pitfall from utterances and reactions being reported. Coming down practical historical synopsis of country’s story. In 1952, the CPP lost able and fine ‘comrades’ as a result of not more than patience occurred—K.Kurankye Taylor, Kwesi Lamptey and Dzenkle Dzewu among few other influential. Dr Nkrumah appealed for holding together. It was water on the back of a shark. But the outcome was destabilising for the party. It was just that CPP was the ‘’CPP’’.
Therefore, for the two giants— NPP and NDC and considering a hung Legislature, yet to re-worm itself to the country woken up increasingly out of gullibility, it is most worth drawing, perhaps advisedly but more significantly for relevance, the attendant pointers to wit. I can add the Col Selormey and NRC officer colleague after the first palace coup that brought in SMC I from the police chief J.E.O. Nunoo’s [NLC] followed by PP (from UP trekked to NPP) Kwaku Baah and J.H.Owusu-Acheampong’s and going back to Alhaj Yakubu Tali’s Northern Peoples Party 1956—all causal troublesome disarrays before the denouement of sorts including the ‘’Harlley-Afrifa-Ocran-Triumvirate’’ September 3 1969.
Beyond these instances, I guess that I can safely end my apparent perorations confirmed from celebrated English Poet’s Alfred Lord Tennyson’s ‘’In memoriam’’ to mull our national predicament since independence: ‘’so much to do; so little done.’’
By Prof. Nana Esselfie-Conduah
